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Two distinguished former diplomats one of whom spent a term in India as Pakistan’s high commissioner (Ashraf Qazi) and the other who retired as Pakistan’s foreign secretary (Riaz Khan)- turned their attention to Pakistan’s India Policy in the wake of the changes in J&K in a sober and leading Pakistani daily. The former went to the extent of asserting that the J&K human rights situation “threatens to reach Genocide Convention of 1948”. The latter, doubtless recognising his former colleague’s absurdity, pointed out that “genocide, in the general perception, is tied up to large scale massacres, mass exodus and international outrage” but also stated that India was in for the “long haul” to “tire out the Kashmiris”.
Pakistan has obviously geared itself to try to prevent any normalisation of the J&K situation through a package of calibrated approaches. These include targeted individual acts of violence which will ensure especially that economic activity does not pick up in the Kashmir Valley, but which will also prevent charges that it is unleashing high terror. Restraining terrorist acts will also help in keeping the focus on human rights.
The problem is that the Pakistani establishment is uncertain if its efforts will yield results and it is this uncertainity that is giving rise to strange and irrational notions. How else can the former high commissioner’s recommendation that “if the people of the Valley are threatened with genocide, as indeed they are Pakistan’s deterrent must cover them” be viewed? The former foreign secretary rejects this as impractical but wants Pakistan to make it clear that it’s deterrent would cover PoK and Gilgit-Balistan and that it will find a repeat of Siachen unacceptable. This view has to be taken seriously by Indian security planners.
Amidst all these notions Pakistan is nursing the hope that when restrictions on electronic data are lifted in the Kashmir Valley such large scale and violent unrest will occur, that it will draw in international players to pressure India and bring about a new dynamic in its favour. Though the government’s strategy of detentions and restrictions on electronic data in the Valley in order to prevent bloodshed has essentially worked well till now, particularly with most governments, a price is being paid through the alienation of international liberal opinion.
[ Extracted from editorial by Vivek Katju “How will J&K Unfold ? “ ] [S.1, Q.1]
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A. | Only assumption I is implicit in the statement |
B. | Only assumption II is implicit in the statement |
C. | Both assumption I and II are implicit in the statement |
D. | Neither assumption I nor assumption II is implicit in the statement |
Answer» D. Neither assumption I nor assumption II is implicit in the statement | |